The Constitutional Court of Seychelles has declared the dissolution of the National Assembly on July 12, 2011, unconstitutional and ordered Speaker Patrick Herminie to proceed forthwith with reconvening the Assembly.
In an urgent session on Monday July 18, a three member Court with Judges Karunakaran, Renaud and Dodin took the petition filed by SNP legal counsel Bernard Georges in the name of two members, Nicholas Prea and Jean-Francois Ferrari. The petition averred that the dissolution was illegal because a critical provision of the Constitution, Article 111, had not been followed. This article required that a motion for dissolution of the Assembly could only be taken up in a meeting specially called for the purpose. The petition filed by Mr. Georges submitted that the motion had been taken as part of the ordinary session on Tuesday, and that members had not been informed beforehand that the matter was to be considered.
At the same time, the Court took up a similar petition filed by Parti Lepep MNA Clifford André, seeking the same declaration. This totally unprecedented move by a Parti Lepep MNA against an action by his own party had obviously been brought to take some attention away from the SNP petition. Clifford André had himself voted in favour of dissolution, together with all other members of his party. His decision to file a petition against the decision shows a complete contradiction and confusion of the members of Parti Lepep.
In a unanimous decision, the Court was categorical that the Constitutional requirement for dissolution had not been followed and the resolution had to be reversed immediately. The Court ruling shows Speaker Patrick Herminie to have been entirely in the wrong in allowing the motion for dissolution brought by Leader of Government Business, Marie-Lousie Potter. Herminie has repeatedly shown poor judgement and a lack of understanding of his role as Speaker. The SNP has now called for his resignation as Speaker.
July 18, 2011

The Seychelles National Party condems the illegal dissolution of the National Assembly in the session of Tuesday July 12, 2011, and the blatant disregard for the Constitution which this manoeuvre represents.
Article 111 of the Constitution, under which the Assembly has been declared dissolved, states clearly that dissolution can only be tabled at a meeting “summoned for the purpose”. This obviously calls for a special meeting, with the motion for dissolution indicated on the Order Paper for the meeting. The intention of the article is clearly to give notice to all members that dissolution is to be considered, and to give all members the right to speak and vote on the motion. The resolution in an ordinary session without notice of the motion makes the dissolution unconstitutional and illegal.
The participation of the Ms. Jane Carpin in the vote for dissolution is also illegal because Ms. Carpin had already been removed as a Member of the National Assembly by Opposition Leader Wavel Ramkalawan. The notification of Ms. Carpin’s dismissal was communicated to the Speaker of the Assembly, Mr. Patrick Herminie, immediately after Ms. Carpin had voted for the Constitutional Amendment tabled in the morning session. The vote therefore did not have the requisite two-thirds majority of members of the Assembly. In the matter of dissolution of the Assembly, Speaker Herminie has deliberately manipulated the presentation of the motion and acted without regard for Assembly procedures.

Le  Comité Exécutif du Réseau Libéral Africain :
Tenant compte des informations des différentes sources indépendantes telles que les organisations  des droits de l’homme œuvrant dans la Région des Grands Lacs d’Afrique  en l’occurrence Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International ainsi que les organisations de protection des droits de l’homme locales au Burundi ; les organisations de protection du métier de journalisme tel que Reporter Sans Frontières ainsi que l’Association Burundaise des Journalistes (ABJ) ; les organisations de lutte contre la corruption  tel que International Transparency et Olucome, etc. ;
Considérant les éléments contenant dans la  nouvelle loi sur les partis politiques burundais qui vient d’être adoptée par les deux chambres du Parlement burundais, laquelle loi consacre un retour au monopartisme de fait en excluant les partis  politiques dont les leaders sont à l’étranger ;
Tenant compte de la récente mesure de retirer de la circulation les actuels passeports burundais et exiger aux ayants droit  de se présenter physiquement à Bujumbura pour l’obtention du nouveau passeport, visant ainsi la capture des leaders de l’opposition en exil ou le blocage de leurs mouvements ;
Vu l’état général de la corruption et de la dilapidation des biens de l’Etat par l’équipe au pouvoir à Bujumbura, plaçant ainsi le Burundi à la première place des pays les plus corrompus de la sous-région et parmi les 10 pays les plus corrompus au monde ;
Considérant les dizaines d’assassinats à caractère politique enregistrés chaque jour surtout dans les provinces de l’ouest  et plus principalement à Bujumbura Rural ;
Tenant compte de la persécution des journalistes burundais, dont certains sont interpellés fréquemment pour avoir diffusé une information qui ne plaît pas au pouvoir et surtout de l’emprisonnement injuste du journaliste Jean Claude Kavumbagu depuis bientôt une année ;
Vu l’état de la  dégradation générale de la situation sécuritaire et la croissance de la violation des droits humains où les éléments des forces de l’ordre public sont impliqués ;
Considérant que cette situation déplorable résulte d’un manque de volonté manifeste du pouvoir de ramener la  paix par une oppression permanente de tous ceux qui sont sensés ne pas avoir élu  le CNDD-FDD actuellement au pouvoir ;
Tenant compte que ce pouvoir n’a jamais voulu dialoguer avec l’opposition pour dégager ensemble des mesures visant le retour à la stabilité sociopolitique du Burundi ;
Le Comité Exécutif du RLA réunit du 7 au 13 mai  2011 à Johannesburg en Afrique du Sud vient d’adopter une résolution  pour le Burundi. Les éléments qui la composent sont les suivants :
1. Le Réseau Libéral Africain regrette qu’une année vienne de s’écouler  après les élections de mai 2010, et que les résultats soient négatifs sur tous les points de vues ;
2. Il regrette que le Président du Régime en place à Bujumbura ne dise rien sur la situation dégradante de violation des droits de l’homme au Burundi et surtout ne manifeste aucune volonté de laisser la justice faire son travail sur le cas de l’assassinat ignoble d’Ernest Manirumva, Vice-président d’une organisation locale contre la corruption et les malversations économiques ;
3. Il regrette que les proches du Président soient impliqués dans des vols fragrants des biens de l’Etat (cas des 13 millions de dollars américains remboursés par l’Etat ougandais mais disparus dans les poches des proches du Président) mais que celui-ci n’en dise rien ;
4. Il regrette que l’Etat burundais se retrouve impliqué dans le massacre de ses propres populations ;
5. Le Réseau Libéral Africain regrette aussi le recul de la démocratie au Burundi par un retour au monopartisme de fait, occasionné par l’adoption d’une loi qui exclut plusieurs partis politiques de l’opposition ;
6. Il regrette que le pouvoir de Bujumbura use de la force pour résoudre tout  problème à caractère politique ;
7. Le Réseau Libéral Africain condamne les arrestations et les assassinats des militants de l’opposition ainsi que la loi discriminatoire conçue et adoptée dans le but de supprimer injustement des partis politiques de l’opposition ;
8. Il condamne avec énergie la torture et les exécutions extrajudiciaires dénoncées par la Communauté Internationale et les organisations de défense des droits de l’homme ; (1,2)
9. Il condamne la persécution dont sont victimes les leaders des partis de l’opposition les contraignant à l’exil ou à une vie clandestine ;
10. Le Réseau Libéral Africain exige l’arrêt  des arrestations arbitraires, emprisonnements, assassinats des militants de l’opposition et la libération sans condition de tous les prisonniers politiques et d’opinion ;
11. Il exige la libération immédiate du journaliste Jean Claude Kavumbagu et la liquidation du procès en rapport avec l’assassinat du militant des droits de l’homme Ernest Manirumva ;
12. Il exige qu’une commission internationale soit mise en place pour enquêter sur les exécutions sommaires observées dans  toutes les régions du Burundi ;
13. Le Réseau Libéral Africain supplie le Président du Régime en place à Bujumbura de ne pas promulguer une loi discriminatoire, qui constituerait la goûte d’eau risquant de faire déborder le vase qui n’était que déjà trop plein ;
14. Il demande au gouvernement du Burundi de faire une politique de rapprochement  et non d’exclusion en entamant sans délai des négociations avec les partis d’opposition afin de trouver des solutions aux problèmes de sécurité, des droits de l’homme, et de vider le contentieux électoral ;
15. Il demande aux bailleurs de fonds de conditionner l’aide directe au gouvernement burundais à l’ouverture des négociations véritables avec les partis d’opposition, et en attendant d’intervenir directement auprès des populations burundaises à travers les ONG ;
16. Le Réseau Libéral Africain demande enfin à la Communauté Internationale notamment les Nations Unies, l’Union Européenne et l’Union Africaine de continuer à suivre avec attention la situation politique et sécuritaire au Burundi.
Fait à Johannesburg, le 09 mai 2011

We, the representatives of African liberal parties, assembled in Johannesburg, South Africa, reaffirm our strong support for the Democratic Alliance (DA) ahead of municipal elections due on 18 May.
We stress our belief in the progressive policies espoused by the DA, as outlined in their Local Government Manifesto, and for their vision of an Open, Opportunity Society, for All. We commend the DA’s continued commitment to improving service delivery, and to delivering for all South Africans, regardless of race, creed, class, or political beliefs.
During our visit to Cape Town in November 2010, we witnessed first-hand the improvements which the DA had made to the City and to Western Cape Province. We met with the party’s local MPs, Provincial Ministers and Councillors, and praised their efficiency, sound financial management, and tough stance on corruption. Since arriving in Johannesburg, we have been once again been impressed by the DA’s campaign for better local governance and service delivery for all South Africans. As liberals, we commend their pro-market approach to alleviating poverty and reducing crime by increasing job opportunities and growing the economy.
Having seen the difference a DA administration can make to improving housing, transport and healthcare, and the party’s commitment to creating economic opportunities while ensuring clean and transparent government; we call on South Africans to vote DA in the municipal elections on 18 May. The Democratic Alliance will not take your vote for granted, and their Mayors and Councillors are committed to improving local conditions for all South Africans.
We eagerly await the result of the elections, and hope that the South African people will give the DA the chance to govern more cities, such as Pretoria, the seat of national government, paving the way for a provincial and national challenge to the ANC in 2014.
Johannesburg, 9 May 2011

We, the representatives of African liberal parties, assembled in Johannesburg, South Africa, affirm our strong support for the Seychelles National Party (SNP) and its Presidential candidate Mr Wavel Ramkalawan MNA.
We call on the people of Seychelles to take note of the liberal democratic principles espoused by the SNP as documented in their manifesto, ‘Ansanm pour en meyer lavi: A better life for all Seychellois’. The Africa Liberal Network fully supports the SNP’s campaign to reunite the people of Seychelles and eliminate the discrimination which has characterised the past 34 years of rule by the SPPF-Parti Lepep. We welcome the SNP’s social liberal policies for revising income tax, bringing down the cost of living, and improving standards in healthcare and education. We further welcome the emphasis on strong leadership, a civil service free of politics, and building effective national institutions.
The ALN commends Mr Wavel Ramkalawan, a former Anglican priest and well-respected civic activist, for having received in excess of 45% of the popular vote in previous elections, and we hope that this will be the time when he is finally able to sweep to victory and win the Presidency on 21 May 2011. We welcomed the challenge laid down by Ramkalawan for incumbent President, Mr James Michel, to hold a televised debate, noting that this is a normal part of the political process in the democratic world; however, we were disappointed when this was rejected.
The ALN calls on the Seychelles Electoral Commission to ensure open and transparent polls in which the SNP is able to campaign freely in public. In order to ensure a level playing field, we urge the Seychelles Broadcasting Corporation to allow equal coverage to both sides during the campaign. We support the Commonwealth Observer Mission in their important work and call on them to document any violations of electoral law, human rights, or media freedom, in their final report.
Finally, we call on the incumbent Parti Lepep to respond to accusations that their campaigners in Bel Air have used money to influence the outcome of the election, a practice which the Africa Liberal Network condemns in the strongest terms.
Johannesburg, 9 May 2011

Statement by LI Vice-President Minister Lamine Ba
“Minister Mzila of Zimbabwe must be released without further delay”
Following the news of the arrest of Moses Mzila-Ndlovu, the Minister of National Healing and Reconciliation in the Government of National Unity of Zimbabwe, Liberal International Vice-President and President of the Africa Liberal Network, Minister Lamine Ba, expressed a message of solidarity and requested an immediate release of Minister Mzila.
“The news from Zimbabwe on the arrest of Minister Mzila-Ndlovu is deeply disturbing. We, liberals of Liberal International and Africa Liberal Network, condemn the arrest in the strongest possible terms. Those who characterized this move by the Mugabe-controlled police as a shameful “hypocrisy” are absolutely right. It constitutes unnecessary provocation and harassment.
Moses is known in Zimbabwe and abroad (particularly in the liberal world) for his wise, moderate and lawful approach. We know him very well and we can say: he is not a criminal and he would not have run away. Minister Mzila is a defender of Human Rights and rule of law in Zimbabwe. So, he must be released without further delay”, said LI Vice President Ba.
He continued: “This act is not about rule of law. It is not even about implementation of a draconian legislation imposed by the current regime to prosecute political opponents. It seems the only purpose is to keep in jail over the long weekend a person, a Member of Parliament, a Minister, who fought all his life for freedom and justice. This is an imprisonment of freedom of speech and freedom of thought. Ironically, it is on the day when we celebrate 31 years of Zimbabwe’s independence, for which Moses has fought his entire life.”
We, liberals from Liberal International and Africa Liberal Network, request justice and freedom for Minister Mzila. The Vice President of the Africa Liberal Network in the region, Mr Clement Stambuli, will follow the situation in Harare and report to our different offices and to our liberal partners around the world.
London/Dakar, 18 April 2011

The Ethiopian Democratic Party has elected a new leader at its National Conference. Mr Mushe Semu, the former Chairman, is the new EDP President, replacing Mr Ato Lidetue, in accordance with a constitutional convention that the party leader may only serve two consecutive terms of two years. Thus EDP has become the first political party in Ethiopia to change its leadership in accordance with a term limit rule.
Dr Mamadou Lamine Bâ, President of the Africa Liberal Network, has expressed his congratulations to Mr Mushe Semu and welcomed this important step by EDP in electing a new leader. This exemplary behaviour has made it clear that EDP is a truly liberal and democratic party which should set an example for other Ethiopians, including the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, HE Mr Meles Zenawi, who has promised to stand down in 2015.
Within the Ethiopian Democratic Party, Mrs Sophia Yilma Deressa retains her portfolio as EDP Vice-President, having successfully represented EDP during its membership application to join the ALN in 2010. The new party Chairman is Mr Mesfin Mengistue, who previously served as the organisational head of the party. Mr Lidetue has pledged to remain involved in the party through membership of EDP’s 25 member council.

ALN President, Minister Lamine Bâ, and UK Deputy Prime Minister, Nick Clegg MP, have written to congratulate Dr Alassane Dramane Ouattara on finally taking up his rightful position as President of Côte d’Ivoire.
Dr Lamine Bâ congratulated Dr Ouattara for having overcome the post-electoral crisis in Côte d’Ivoire, praising his tolerance and patience following the November 2010 elections.
The ALN President, who also serves as Minister for International and Humanitarian Affairs in Senegal, welcomed the Ivorian President’s on-going commitment to democracy and liberalism, values which have been strengthened on the African continent thanks to RDR.
Nick Clegg said that he was “proud that we in the Liberal Democrats have given the RDR our support both through our Westminster Foundation for Democracy programme and through Liberal International.”
The Liberal Democrat leader welcomed the commitment to a fair trial for Mr Gbagbo, and to ensure that those guilty of crimes are held accountable.  He added that “this will be important in laying the foundations for reconciliation and moving Côte d’Ivoire forward towards a stable and prosperous future.”
Both Liberal leaders assured President Ouattara that their respective parties and governments would continue to provide their full support for the new Ivorian leader as he starts the important task of reunifying the country.
Rassemblement des Républicains, the party led by President Ouattara, are founding members of the Africa Liberal Network. They hosted the inaugural ALN Gender Workshop in Abidjan in 2009, and are represented on the ALN Executive Committee by National Secretary, Mme Kaba Yaya Fofana. RDR are also full members of Liberal International, who sent a delegation to Abidjan in support of Dr Ouattara in November 2010.

Ivory Coast must not be allowed to slide into civil war
As violence and killings escalate in Ivory Coast, there is little hope for our citizens without international intervention
On Tuesday four people were killed during a women’s protest march against Ivory Coast’s former president Laurent Gbagbo. Last week, another all-women march through the capital Abidjan, in support of the internationally recognised president of the country, was directly fired upon by troops loyal to Gbagbo and seven women peacefully exercising their democratic right of public assembly were killed.
There are multiple tragedies unfolding in the increasingly desperate and dangerous situation in Ivory Coast. Many international bodies, including the United Nations, now see the situation as close to civil war. More than 1,000 civilians have been killed since the beginning of December; some 70,000 Ivorians have fled across the border to Liberia; in Abobo, a suburb of the capital, 200,000 people have deserted their homes following violence against them.
Just this weekend, a violent militia loyal to Gbagbo, the “Young Patriots”, targeted and assaulted supporters of the internationally recognised president, Alassane Ouattara, and looted and torched properties, including my own. Since November, we members of his cabinet have been holed up in the Golf Hotel, surrounded by Gbagbo militias. It is agonising to know that while we’ve been unable to get to our homes, they have been destroying them.
These attacks are fuelled by language that is undeniably racial and raises the possibility that broader, organised attacks on specific ethnic groups – such as the world has seen in Rwanda and Zimbabwe – are being considered. This manmade disaster is not just a catastrophe for Ivory Coast, but for the country’s neighbours, such as Liberia, which, recovering from its own civil war, is ill-equipped to deal with such vast and sudden numbers of refugees.
The presidential election last November saw Ouattara elected by 10 percentage points in a poll lauded as free and fair and certified by the UN. It was intended to conclude the long negotiations towards a peaceful and democratic settlement for the country after years of civil war. The president throughout this process was Gbagbo: it was meant to be his chapter in this historic story, win or lose. But Gbagbo has been unable to countenance the fact that he lost, and his chapter is now increasingly likely to end in an international court rather than lauded in the memories of Ivorians.
The fear in Ivory Coast is that now, without international intervention, it may not be possible to halt the slide to a civil war. The International Crisis Group has warned that such a conflict is likely to lead to massive violence against citizens, with neighbouring countries drawn in.
The responsibility to halt a potential civil war lies, firstly, with the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas). Yet there is the fear that citizens of other west African states, millions of whom live in Ivory Coast, could be targeted by Gbagbo loyalists if their leaders continue to be vocal in supporting Ouattara.
But the fallout if Ecowas does not intervene is likely to be even greater; its leaders must remain resolute in their call for Gbagbo to stand aside.
There is now no possibility of a government of national unity, or a settlement in which Gbagbo himself is allowed to remain head of the nation. His actions since the election disbar him completely.
There have been moves by South Africa, as part of the African Union negotiating team, to agree a unity government including Gbagbo similar to that imposed on Zimbabwe in 2008. If this approach was unacceptable after such a decisive election win by Ouattara in November, it is even more unacceptable now, following the escalation of unrest and the killing of civilians.
The international community must also be more decisive. The UN has forces in Ivory Coast yet is struggling to hold off attacks on civilians, so must consider bolstering its presence. France, Ivory Coast’s former colonial power, must consider a military solution, as Britain did in Sierra Leone in 2000. Unlike in Libya, where military intervention considerations are complicated by the lack of Nato or other forces in place, the French have military already in Ivory Coast, making any action by them far more credible and logistically feasible. Given how France has been pilloried by the international media and its own civil society for its links to the former regimes in north Africa, the French government in concert with its EU allies can restore its reputation through undertaking to impose order in Ivory Coast.
Without decisive international intervention there is little hope for the citizens of our country, and as each day goes by the descent into civil war becomes less unthinkable. Neither Ecowas, nor the African Union, nor France, nor the EU can afford to fail to act. And the people of Ivory Coast cannot afford civil war.